As the final component of Moses’ mandate by God to liberate the people of Israel from the Egyptian bondage, he is told that because Pharaoh will stubbornly refuse to release God’s “firstborn son, Israel”, “I will kill your (Pharaoh’s) firstborn son” (Exodus 4:21-23). Several problems arise already in this commission:
- Why is Pharaoh culpable since God says that He will harden Pharaoh’s heart?
- Who will do the killing of Egypt’s firstborn, God or Moses?
- Why do these verses refer only to the killing of the firstborn and not to the other nine plagues, detailed in Exodus 7 - 11?
The full account of the plagues raises many additional questions:
- What is the exact nature of each of the plagues, some of which are not entirely clear or seem to overlap other plagues?
- What is the logic of the order of the plagues?
- How should we account for the difference in order and number between the account in Exodus and the mentions of the plagues in Psalms 78 and 105?
- How should we account for the vengeful and “disproportionate” nature of the pericope?
Jewish, Christian and Muslim scripture and commentary have discussed these questions and given a variety of responses. Similarly, Jewish, Christian and Muslim art has portrayed the “signs and wonders” performed on the Egyptians. These portrayals offer a variety of interpretations of the details and intentions of the biblical account, sometimes touching on the questions we have asked above. Art historians have discussed many of these portrayals, usually focusing on particular manuscripts and their characteristics. In this essay, we will sample a large number of treatments and try to locate some of their common features, as well as the special characteristics of particular artworks, periods and cultures.
Muslim art
While the Egyptian plagues are mentioned in the Quran as well as in later Muslim literature, Muslim artists limited their attention to Moses’ rod becoming a serpent and devouring the serpents/rods of Pharaoh’s magicians:
So he threw his rod, then lo! it was a clear serpent…
They said: O Musa! will you cast, or shall we be the first to cast?
He said: Cast. So when they cast, they deceived the people's eyes
and frightened them, and they produced a mighty enchantment.
And We revealed to Musa, saying: Cast your rod; then lo! it
devoured the lies they told. Quran 7
A representative example of Muslim art on this scene is found in this painting from a 16th century Persian manuscript of Naysaburi’s Tales of the Prophets.
In the center of the painting, Moses’ rod has become an enormous legged serpent, which attacks and swallows some of Pharaoh’s magicians and while others, holding snakes and other wild animals look on helplessly. Above, on the left, Pharaoh, wearing a crown, observes in wonder; on the right, Moses, haloed and holding the sun, is accompanied by Aaron and another follower, both of whom are also amazed.
Comparison of this Muslim painting with Jewish and Christian paintings shows that the Muslim reading was considerably more imaginative and extravagant than the biblical account.
The Muslim reading stems from the use of the Hebrew word tannin in some of the biblical verses; this word is a synonym for nahash (snake), but may also signify a dragon. What is the significance of this dragon in Islamic lore and art? Is it a symbol of infidels, as in Christian iconography concerning St. George? However note that here the dragon is not the enemy, but rather the aid of Moses. Can we then conclude that the dragon is a symbol of the overwhelming power of Allah?
Medieval Jewish and Christian paintings of the plagues
Portrayals of the plagues are found in an impressive number of haggadot (the text read at the Passover meal, commemorating the liberation from Egypt). The plagues are portrayed in a variety of ways in the haggadot: Haggadot produced in northern Europe (Ashkenaz) often contain paintings that accompany the passage in the haggadah, in which the plagues are enumerated. One example of this accompaniment is the manuscript known as “the Ashkenazi Haggadah”, now found in the British Library.
Here, the text is decorated with ten medallions, each of which portrays one plague in an iconic manner. For example, the first plague - “blood” - is represented by a well, referencing Exodus 7:24
(כד) וַיַּחְפְּר֧וּ כׇל־מִצְרַ֛יִם סְבִיבֹ֥ת הַיְאֹ֖ר מַ֣יִם לִשְׁתּ֑וֹת כִּ֣י לֹ֤א יָֽכְלוּ֙ לִשְׁתֹּ֔ת מִמֵּימֵ֖י הַיְאֹֽר׃
(24) And all the Egyptians had to dig round about the Nile for drinking water, because they could not drink the water of the Nile.
The Rothschild Haggadah, produced in northern Italy in the mid-15th century uses the same format, demonstrating the historical and cultural connection between Ashkenaz and north Italy. On the other hand, the Birdshead Haggadah, also produced in Ashkenaz, contains no images of the plagues.
Most of the extant paintings, however, are found in series of paintings placed before the text of the haggadah, as an introduction. These series cover the biblical narrative from Creation to the Exodus from Egypt and are found only in haggadot produced in Spain (and particularly in Catalonia), mainly in the 13th and 14th centuries. In that period the Jews of Catalonia had fallen under the authority of Christian rulers, while southern Spain was still in the hands of the Muslims. The precarious situation of the Jews in this period is movingly expressed by Rabbi Judah Halevi, who writes:
Between the armies of Se'ir [the Christians]
and Kedar [the Muslims]
My army perishes and is lost.
As we will see, this political turmoil is reflected in what has been seen as “triumphalist” portrayal of the plagues.
These Sefaradi haggadot, as well as many Christian treatments of the plagues, usually highlight the activity of Moses (and often of Aaron) and portray the reactions of Pharaoh and the people of Egypt. In the Ashkenazi haggadah, none of these “main” characters are to be found. This seems to be a reflection of the extremely minor role of these characters in the text of the haggadah.
Christian portrayals of the ten plagues are found in several types of books: illustrated Bibles, popular retellings of Bible stories (such as the Bible historiale of Guyart des Moulins and the Speculum humanae salvationis attributed to Vincent de Beauvais) and illustrated prayer books created for wealthy patrons, such as the psalter of Saint Louis. In many cases, each of the plagues is treated separately; in the Saint Louis psalter, on the other hand, nine of the ten plagues are portrayed together in an iconic fashion.
While Moses appears here at left, Pharaoh does not appear on this page, but only in the context of the tenth plague and is shown there urging Moses to leave Egypt.
Is this treatment of the king of Egypt an attempt to downplay his negative character, out of sensitivity to the book’s owner, King Louis IX, otherwise known as St. Louis? As we shall see, some of the haggadot were much less sensitive.
Finally, we should note that in the “Monk’s haggadah”, produced by and for Christians in 15th century Germany, not only are there no depictions of the plagues, but even the names of the plagues are not emphasized at all, unlike almost all Jewish haggadot.
Some modern treatments of the Plagues
A very noticeable tendency among modern artists, both Jewish and non-Jewish, is to reduce triumphalism in their portrayal of the plagues. Only James Tissot’s paintings feature Pharaoh prominently, although not in all of his paintings. As a result, the “bad guy” cannot serve as a target of ridicule. In addition, most modern artist present the plagues as a gallery rather than as individual portrayals; Dore, Tissot and Busoni are the exceptions to this tendency. In this manner, there is less reveling in the details of each plague. The Moss Haggadah, filled with rich and eccentric illustrations, is notable in merely listing the plagues in a textual table. And finally, most modern artists seem to empathize with the suffering of the common people of Egypt. On the other hand, Arthur Szyck’s treatment of the plagues is a partial return to triumphalism; this can be understood as stemming from the fact that Szyck created his haggadah in reaction to the rise of Nazism in Europe.
Artistic interpretations of individual plagues
We will now comment on each of the ten plagues described in Exodus, noting some of the components found in both medieval and modern treatments, as well as unusual features of particular paintings and manuscripts.
The first plague, in which the water of the Nile is turned into blood, is really directed at the Nile itself, considered a deity in ancient Egypt and throughout time its “lifeblood”. In Exodus 7:18 we read that the blood killed all the fish in the Nile and made its water undrinkable. As a result, in verse 24 (as already noted), we find that the Egyptians were forced to dig wells for water. In a majority of the artworks, we see dead fish in the Nile. That Pharaoh is a particular target of this plague is shown by his presence in most of the artwork; the Rylands and Brother haggadot show him astride his horse, in order to reflect verse 15, which places the confrontation with Pharaoh when “he goes out to the water (of the Nile)”. The Morgan Bible on the other hand, shows the king seated on his throne.
Depictions of the plague of frogs stress its invasive and repulsive character. In most, but not all, Pharaoh is shown. In the Brother Haggadah, he stands beside his throne, holding his sword, while the frogs jump onto him, going first for his sword, the symbol of his waning power. In the Sarajevo Haggadah, he is seated and holds his scepter; but the frogs are all over the oven in heart of his palace. In the Golden Haggadah too, the frogs have gotten into Pharaoh’s pantry and sit in his pots and plates, having ascended from the Nile; they attack him and he is no longer lounging cross-legged (see above), but raises his hands in distress.
The Brother Haggadah, The Sarajevo Haggadah,
1350 - 1375 ca. 1350
The Golden Haggadah, ca. 1340
The direct attack on Pharaoh continues in the plague of lice. The nature of the plague and the discomfiture of the king are indicated in several ways.
In the de Brailes Bible Pictures, the king’s relaxed posture on his throne notwithstanding, the lice rise up in a wave from the ground and engulf Pharaoh and his advisors. In the Morgan Bible, the king (followed by his retinue) covers his face (in shame?); the lice can only be seen on the ground, in the form of gnats (and so they are labelled). In the Brother Haggadah, Pharaoh, covered in the lice, has lost his sword and scratches vigorously.
The Brother Haggadah, 1350 - 1375
The fourth plague, called ערוב (arov, Exodus 8:18) in Hebrew, was understood in various ways: in the Septuagint, the word was translated as “flies”, while in rabbinic midrash (Tanchuma Va’erah 14:7) we find two different explanations: 1) wild animals, such as bears and lions and 2) winged creatures. As a result, we find a clear difference in the depiction of this plague between Jewish artists, who followed the midrash and Christian artists, who followed the Greek translation.
The fifth plague is called by the generic term דֶבֶר and is directed at livestock. It is iconized in all depictions by a pile of work animals, except in the Ashkenazi Haggadah, where several dead people appear. Pharaoh does not appear in most depictions of דבר and Moses and Aaron are missing in the Golden Haggadah, the Venice Haggadah and several others (since the biblical account attributes this plague directly to God); “the plague” is entirely missing from the Histoires bibliques of 1350.
ca. 1460
The sixth plague is problematic, in part because it is not mentioned in the two chapters of the book of Psalms (78 and 105) that list the Egyptian מכות. It is called שחין, usually translated as “boils”; but we should notice that the word אבעבעת (buboes) also appears in the description of this plague. It is caused by Moses and Aaron tossing soot into the air; it (like דבר) affects cattle, but it also attacks humans. The overlap between these two plagues may be responsible for several outliers in medieval artworks: Boils, like “plague” is missing from the Histoires bibliques, as well as from the Morgan Bible and the History Bible of 1430. Pharaoh appears only here in the Hispano-Moresque Haggadah; he is barefoot in the Golden, the Sister and the Rylands haggadot, thus exposing his skin, covered with “boils”.
1300 mid 14th century
The unusual depiction of the king and queen uncovered in bed and suffering from the plague of “boils” in the Toggenburg Bible is said to reflect the horrors of the Black or Bubonic Plague of 1345 - 1351, still fresh in the minds of Europeans.
The Toggenburg Bible, ca. 1411
The seventh plague, hail, stands out in the length and complexity of its description in Exodus. It is one of several plagues regarding which the people of Israel are protected. Pharaoh is also given the opportunity to protect his people; but only those of his servants who believe “the word of the Lord” bring their cattle in from the fields, while the others leave them out and they are destroyed.
14th century
The biblical text notes that the hail is accompanied by fire “streaming down to the ground”.
1478 - 9 1335 - 40
The Brother Haggadah indicates the severity of this plague in two ways: 1) Pharaoh’s crown is about to fall off his head and 2) he once again holds his sword (that had disappeared in preceding plagues) - M. Epstein has proposed that the sword symbolizes Pharaoh’s refusal to comply with the Divine Will. Is the sword also an ironic visual symbol for Pharaoh’s growing weakness?
The eighth plague, locusts, is remarkably lengthy and contains reflections on the aim of the plagues as a whole for Israel and the implications of Pharaoh’s obduracy. The demand that the entire people be allowed to leave becomes the focal point of negotiation with Pharaoh’s servants.
(ט) וַיֹּ֣אמֶר מֹשֶׁ֔ה בִּנְעָרֵ֥ינוּ וּבִזְקֵנֵ֖ינוּ נֵלֵ֑ךְ בְּבָנֵ֨ינוּ וּבִבְנוֹתֵ֜נוּ בְּצֹאנֵ֤נוּ וּבִבְקָרֵ֙נוּ֙ נֵלֵ֔ךְ כִּ֥י חַג־יהוה לָֽנוּ׃
(9) Moses replied, “We will all go—regardless of social station —we will go with our sons and daughters, our flocks and herds; for we must observe יהוה’s festival.”
This point is treated visually by de Brailles, who pictures the people of Israel as human headed cattle.
de Brailes Bible Pictures, mid 13th century
The plague itself is almost always pictured as affecting even the trees; de Brailles creates a tree that has turned into a swarm of locusts.
In the Sister Haggadah, the locust leap from a tree onto Pharaoh, who turns away from them in disgust. The Brother Haggadah has the locust swarming over the ground behind Moses and Aaron and flying and climbing up Pharaoh’s robes, in front of them.
14th century 1350 - 1375
Is it coincidence that the Christian manuscript does not show Pharaoh physically attacked by the locust, while the Jewish books show Pharaoh personally disgusted and infested by this plague? Is this an example of Jewish triumphalism?
The Sarajevo Haggadah pictures the ninth plague, Darkness, contrasting the Egyptians, seen vaguely in the darkness, with the Israelites, sitting calmly in the light. Pharaoh appears in the Sarajevo Haggadah and the Golden Haggadah, unlike most depictions of this plague. Only in Sarajevo is the king placed outside of the darkness, as if unaffected by it. The portrayal of the Darkness in the Golden Haggadah is entirely focused on the helpless Egyptians, shown clearly, but in a black background; Pharaoh, too, is in the darkness, blindly groping with his hands.
The Sarajevo Haggadah, The Golden Haggadah,
ca. 1350 ca. 1340
Finally, and perhaps most problematic, is the death of the firstborn. In many depictions, this last plague is separated from the other plagues by the picturing of the first Passover celebration, in accordance with the biblical text (Exodus 12: 1 - 28). This separation also serves to highlight the plague’s severity. Another mark of the terrible cost of this plague is the prominence of women in many of the depictions.
The death of the firstborn is the only plague illustrated in the 6th century Ashburnham Pentateuch, labelled in Latin. The complex scene pictures many Egyptian homes, mourning for their dead. In the lower left register an anthropomorphic God commands an angel to strike the Egyptians and even their animals. Both of these figures appear here in order to express the ambiguity of the biblical account: was it God himself or was it “the Destroyer” who brought about this worst plague?
(כג) וְעָבַ֣ר יהוה לִנְגֹּ֣ף אֶת־מִצְרַ֒יִם֒ וְרָאָ֤ה אֶת־הַדָּם֙ עַל־הַמַּשְׁק֔וֹף וְעַ֖ל שְׁתֵּ֣י הַמְּזוּזֹ֑ת וּפָסַ֤ח יהוה עַל־הַפֶּ֔תַח וְלֹ֤א יִתֵּן֙ הַמַּשְׁחִ֔ית לָבֹ֥א אֶל־בָּתֵּיכֶ֖ם לִנְגֹּֽף׃
The text of the Passover Haggadah also treats this ambiguity, but insists that God was the sole author of the plague:
And I will pass through the Land of Egypt" - I and not an angel. "And I will smite every firstborn" - I and not a seraph. "And with all the gods of Egypt, I will make judgments" - I and not a messenger. "I am the Lord" - I am He and there is no other.
Differences in opinion about the perpetrator of this final plague can be found in classical and modern Jewish commentators. These differences are reflected in the Yahuda and the Second Nuremberg Haggadot (Germany, late 15th century) as well, which portray the last plague as performed by a sword wielding angel. It is interesting, however, to note that the label of this plague is slightly different in these two very similar manuscripts: in the Nuremberg we read “the angel slew the firstborn”, while in the Yahuda is written “he slew the firstborn”.
The Yahuda Haggadah, 1470 - 80
We have commented frequently on the figure of Pharaoh in the various plagues: Both in the biblical account and in the artwork, he is often the focus of the plague and a means of expressing the effect on Egypt, as a whole. But the prominence of women in the depiction of the plague of the firstborn is exemplified in the Golden Haggadah, by replacing the king with the queen, who mourns the death of the child, while black-robed women precede the dead being taken to their burial.
ca. 1340 1920
In Jakob Steinhardt’s Haggadah, the plagues are represented by square linoleum-cuts, arranged in a rectangle around the central text, listing the plagues, in a manner reminiscent of the structure of the classic page of the Talmud. All is dark and there is no sense of triumph, but rather pain and empathy regarding a human tragedy. Much like the Golden Haggadah, Steinhardt’s treatment of this plague pictures a standing women, gesturing in helplessness on seeing the dead body lying at the feet of a distraught parent.
Summation
- In all pre-modern artistic treatments, the 10 plagues are understood as the victory of God over Pharaoh, and therefore they are pictured in a positive manner.
- There is a tendency in modern treatments toward empathy with the sufferers.
- Even within the Catalonian material, vengefulness in Jewish treatments ranges from delight in Pharaoh’s and the Egyptians’ suffering to “factual reporting” of the stunning events. This range is also reflected in traditional Jewish literary sources and rituals, see Sefer Maharil: Minhagim - Laws of the Haggadah and Tal. Bab. Megillah 10b
- Ashkenazi artistic treatments are more reserved than the Sepharadi ones, for unknown reasons.
- Jewish treatments are clearly more involved emotionally with the events, identifying with the people of Israel and their suffering, than are the non-Jewish treatments, which treat the plagues as a distant, fascinating historical and supernatural event
- There are some attempts to address the issue of God hardening Pharaoh’s heart, in Jewish, Christian and Muslim art, often highly critical of the Egyptian king.
- The question of God’s direct responsibility for the death of the first born is treated in various ways, both by Jews and Christians.
The last plague, the death of the firstborn, is certainly the climax (or nadir) of the account of the plagues. It is certainly described as the worst of the plagues - this is clear evidence that the biblical author or authors were shocked by this finale - but it is through the Egyptians themselves that the enormity of event is expressed:
(ל) וַיָּ֨קׇם פַּרְעֹ֜ה לַ֗יְלָה ה֤וּא וְכׇל־עֲבָדָיו֙ וְכׇל־מִצְרַ֔יִם וַתְּהִ֛י צְעָקָ֥ה גְדֹלָ֖ה בְּמִצְרָ֑יִם כִּֽי־אֵ֣ין בַּ֔יִת אֲשֶׁ֥ר אֵֽין־שָׁ֖ם מֵֽת׃ (לא) וַיִּקְרָא֩ לְמֹשֶׁ֨ה וּֽלְאַהֲרֹ֜ן לַ֗יְלָה וַיֹּ֙אמֶר֙ ק֤וּמוּ צְּאוּ֙ מִתּ֣וֹךְ עַמִּ֔י גַּם־אַתֶּ֖ם גַּם־בְּנֵ֣י יִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וּלְכ֛וּ עִבְד֥וּ אֶת־יְהֹוָ֖ה כְּדַבֶּרְכֶֽם׃ (לב) גַּם־צֹאנְכֶ֨ם גַּם־בְּקַרְכֶ֥ם קְח֛וּ כַּאֲשֶׁ֥ר דִּבַּרְתֶּ֖ם וָלֵ֑כוּ וּבֵֽרַכְתֶּ֖ם גַּם־אֹתִֽי׃ (לג) וַתֶּחֱזַ֤ק מִצְרַ֙יִם֙ עַל־הָעָ֔ם לְמַהֵ֖ר לְשַׁלְּחָ֣ם מִן־הָאָ֑רֶץ כִּ֥י אָמְר֖וּ כֻּלָּ֥נוּ מֵתִֽים׃
(30) And Pharaoh arose in the night, with all his courtiers and all the Egyptians—because there was a loud cry in Egypt; for there was no house where there was not someone dead. (31) He summoned Moses and Aaron in the night and said, “Up, depart from among my people, you and the Israelites with you! Go, worship יהוה as you said! (32) Take also your flocks and your herds, as you said, and begone! And may you bring a blessing upon me also!” (33) The Egyptians urged the people on, impatient to have them leave the country, for they said, “We shall all be dead.”